Humanitarian Rackets and their Moral Hazards by Rayyar Marron

Author:Rayyar Marron [Marron, Rayyar]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Social Science, Criminology, Anthropology, General
ISBN: 9781317119500
Google: lT77CwAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2016-04-14T03:21:27+00:00

The practice of patronage

Foreign patronage of the Palestinian guerrillas in Lebanon has been well covered, demonstrating they are proxies representing the interests of states such as Syria, Libya or Iraq. The Iranians too have an interest, as delegations of officials often can be seen visiting the camps. During my fieldwork from mid 2008 to mid 2009, I twice came across large delegations of business-suited Iranians taking tours led by factional officials. The extent to which this might indicate support was something I was unable to ascertain since the officials would not discuss the reasons for these visits. The geopolitical rationale behind factional power has been established; however, these reasons alone do not explain the ubiquity with which factions penetrate and structure social relations amongst the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.

By contrast, patronage of the Palestinian refugees by their political factions has not been as adequately addressed. Although the Palestine national movement failed to secure the loyalties of the refugees in any cohesive manner, it remains the fact that refugees continue to tie their individual fortunes to their respective factions who provide patronage. Although there is nothing novel in the concept that Palestinian society is structured by patronage, such observations in the literature have been made in a cursory manner and a general paucity remains of information, especially ethnographic, that elaborates the mechanisms of these relationships. A notable exception is Erika Lazzarino’s (2011) account of the interaction between factions, NGOs and refugee employees in the camps of Lebanon. Lazzarino illustrates how political groups compete with each other for assistance, to augment their ability to incorporate more of their allied families, both as beneficiaries and as employees of humanitarian projects, by virtue of which factional influence spreads through the community (p.139). Although Lazzarino does not use the term “patronage”, she is clearly describing such a relationship.

Whilst factional enmity is evident in everyday occurrences, it remains the case that factions enjoy continued legitimacy in the eyes of their refugee supporters. This dynamic was evident during the Gaza war of January 2009. The residents of Shatila were stunned at the ongoing bombardment by the Israeli military. People milled around shop entrances conversing about the latest news reports. Factions put on an exhibit of their regalia, with posters and flags marking entrances to the offices manned by extra sentries in fatigues, often accompanied by a stereo playing one of the guerrilla anthems. There was something of a rapprochement between the factions, as Fatah and Hamas representatives commiserated over the suffering of people in Gaza. But for all their reciprocal visits, no agreement was reached on what actions to take. Rather than joining in one demonstration, the minimal agreement reached was for each faction to hold its own, without intruding on the schedule of any other. For the next few weeks, a running schedule of rallies took place around Shatila, as each faction took turns to mobilise supporters. Whilst such a situation reinforced the deep divisions within the Palestinian community, it also revealed the strong local support that factions are able to muster.

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